The threat arising out of arms left over by US
By Shyam Bhatia
When militants in Pakistan overran a key air base using American-made M4 rifles, night-vision scopes, and encrypted radios, it wasn’t just a domestic security breach – it was a warning shot to the world.
The gear was never meant to be there. It had been left behind in Afghanistan, part of the $7.1-billion stockpile of US military equipment abandoned during the chaotic Western exit. Now, fragments of that arsenal are appearing in insurgencies far beyond the region: in tribal Pakistan, across Central Asia, and in parts of Africa and the Middle East.
The war in Afghanistan may have ended, but the weapons stayed and now they’re moving.
The US Department of Defense confirmed in 2022 that equipment left in Afghanistan included armoured Humvees and MRAPs (Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles), M4 and M16 rifles, night-vision goggles and sniper systems, encrypted communications equipment and ScanEagle drones.
These weren’t obsolete leftovers. They were operational-grade gear, intended to support the Afghan National Army, which collapsed almost overnight. During the vacuum, Taliban fighters seized and showcased the equipment in victory parades. But since then, intelligence services have tracked a more worrying development: the quiet spread of these weapons beyond Afghan borders.
As a senior US intelligence official told US media, “You can’t pull $7 billion worth of hardware out in two weeks. But you can spend the next decade watching it show up in the wrong hands.”
Pakistan is now the epicentre of this unintended spillover.
Its former caretaker Prime Minister Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar publicly acknowledged that US-origin arms were enhancing militant capabilities.
“These weapons,” he said, “are being used against our own security forces and sold across regional black markets,” according to widely quoted media reports.
During an attack on the Mianwali Air Base, Pakistani forces recovered American-manufactured M4s, M16s, and encrypted gear. It was one of the clearest signs yet that these weapons – left behind by an ally – are now being turned against a former ally’s own institutions. And Pakistan isn’t alone.
Beyond South Asia, battlefield reports suggest that insurgent groups in Nigeria, Syria, and Myanmar have begun accessing similar gear. ScanEagle drones or their components have been spotted in Iran, raising alarms over tech leakage. In Mali and the Sahel, ISIS-affiliated fighters reportedly now use night-vision and thermal optics.
This is a new class of insurgent warfare not reliant on stolen Kalashnikovs, but outfitted with NATO-standard equipment and capable of night raids, coordinated ambushes, and secure communications.
As one European security analyst recently noted: “We’ve crossed from blowback into redistribution. The arms left behind in Afghanistan are now a kind of seed stock for the next generation of asymmetric conflicts.”
India has not publicly confronted the issue, but signs of concern are emerging. Border forces have noticed more sophisticated infiltration attempts along the Line of Control in Kashmir.
An Indian source was recently quoted as saying, “We haven’t recovered M4s, but the tactics and mobility have improved. The upgrades are real. We’re watching the trend, not panicking – yet.”
Delhi’s reticence is diplomatic. Quiet coordination with Washington is more likely than open confrontation. But it underscores a growing regional consensus that these weapons are no longer just Taliban property. They are a roving arsenal.
Despite Pentagon statements that sensitive equipment was disabled or rendered inoperable, field evidence suggests otherwise. In fact, many items – particularly small arms, optics, and communications tools – were portable, fully functional, and easily sold.
There has been no formal public audit of where the gear has ended up.
As a South Asia expert, who asked not be quoted by name, commented, “What was left in Afghanistan wasn’t junk. It was a working arsenal. And now it’s moving across regions where control is weakest, and accountability is optional.”
The global challenge includes tracking serialised weapons and sharing trace data across borders, monitoring illicit arms markets, especially in border zones and Gulf transit hubs, quiet diplomacy between the US and regional partners like India, Pakistan, and Central Asian republics, as well as UN-level protocols for post-conflict equipment audits and verification. But these are slow, consensus-based processes. The spread of the weapons is faster.
Afghanistan was supposed to be the end of a war, an era, perhaps a failed strategy. Instead, it may have become a launchpad for the next generation of insurgency, with US weapons at its core. The consequences crystallised in a global security failure in motion.
Because the rifles stayed, the drones stayed and now, so has the risk.